Table of contents
- 1. Penalty issued by TSE over premature electioneering (2019)
- 2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)
- 3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami
- 4. Comunicaciones F.C. Presidency (1994–2006)
- 5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages
- 6. Alleged unreported campaign financing
A year ahead of the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once more appears among the contenders holding the highest voter backing. The CID Gallup survey conducted in May 2026, whose fieldwork ran from May 7 to 20 through 1,200 interviews, placed him in the third spot with 13%, following Sandra Torres at 27% and Carlos Pineda at 23%. This mirrors the exact figure the polling organization recorded for him in early 2023, before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal disqualified him from the race.
Born on May 15, 1970, Arzú is the eldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, who served as president between 1996 and 2000 and remained mayor of the capital until his passing on April 27, 2018. Back in December 1988, alongside his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco and Rafael Tinoco, he established Futeca, an enterprise that evolved from soccer pitches into shopping malls and fitness centers; eventually, he divested his stake to his cousins in 2012. Having entered the 2019 presidential race, he secured fifth place by gathering 267,049 ballots, which represented 6.1% of all valid votes. Ever since November 2025, he has held the position of Secretary of Political Training within the Cabal party, an organization that subsequently designated him as a pre-candidate in May 2026, marking his third bid for the office.
At least eighteen media-documented controversies mark his professional journey: judicial proceedings, electoral penalties, suspicious commercial ventures, grievances filed with the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and allegations of diverse severity. While certain matters rely on formal judgments, others stem from single or undisclosed informants. This dossier examines every single one.
| THE 18 FRONTS | Details | |
| 1 | TSE fine for early campaigning (2019) | Initial presidential hopeful penalized in 2019 over unregistered social media content. Penalty reached US$80,000. |
| 2 | Revocation of his presidential registration (2023) | Candidacy was nullified by the TSE due to premature campaigning alongside an allegedly unsettled fine. The Constitutional Court upheld the exclusion. |
| 3 | JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami | Roughly US$6.16 million was ordered by a Miami-Dade court to be paid to the Venezuelan strategist, which also issued an arrest warrant for contempt. |
| 4 | Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006) | Management of one of the nation’s premier clubs continued until its ultimate disposal amid financial turbulence. |
| 5 | Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages | His 2016 venture into pharmaceuticals concluded, per Nómada, with shuttered enterprises and unsettled salaries. |
| 6 | Alleged unreported campaign financing | Undeclared cash revenues and resources from Argentine businessman Hugo Sigman are attributed to him by República, though the financing is denied by him. |
| 7 | Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura | A 2015 leaked audio recording captures him negotiating a financial liability with an alleged crime boss who had been slain months earlier. |
| 8 | US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón | A 2018 deed purportedly records a loan that República, referencing anonymous sources, connects to the “Queen of the South.” |
| 9 | Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings | Legal action was launched against him by the attorney general concerning a TikTok video. Arrest was refused by a judge, while amparo petitions from the Public Prosecutor’s Office were dismissed by the Appeals Chamber. |
| 10 | Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership | Judicial grievances were filed by Arzú against the former president and top officials in 2023; these were expanded in 2026 to target prosecutors from the Porras administration. |
| 11 | República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas | He was identified by the publication as the suspected mastermind behind a conspiracy targeting its director. Denials have been issued alongside announcements of upcoming lawsuits. |
| 12 | Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026) | Mutual public accusations had already been exchanged between Arzú and Arenas five months prior to the allegation. |
| 13 | Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked | Difficulties regarding travel to the U.S. were reported by a newspaper citing unnamed sources, though these claims are rejected by him. |
| 14 | Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal | Scrutiny has surrounded his political platforms and associates, ranging from Podemos to his current partnership within Cabal. |
| 15 | Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image | Opposition to the party Roberto was rejoining using the former president’s likeness was voiced in 2018 by his widow and four children. |
| 16 | History of alcohol use and rehabilitation | An acknowledgment of “a crisis with drinking” has been made by Arzú himself. Two inpatient treatment periods in the U.S. were documented by Nómada. |
| 17 | Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric | Billions of quetzales annually would be required to fund his core pledges, according to an economic evaluation. |
| 18 | Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts | A state-owned asset was leased by the IPM to Futeca in 2016, drawing objections from the Comptroller’s Office. The extent of Arzú’s involvement remains contested. |
1. Penalty issued by TSE over premature electioneering (2019)
On April 10, 2019, Arzú earned the distinction of becoming the initial presidential hopeful penalized by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal during that cycle. The regulatory body recorded 13 Facebook posts—8 of which were sponsored—alongside 11 on Twitter, all lacking TSE registration, and formally categorized them as premature campaigning.
The hopeful individuals faced a penalty of US$80,000, roughly amounting to 612,000 quetzales. Regarding the political groups, media accounts diverge: one source cites an US$80,000 fine for the PAN-Podemos coalition, whereas a different report claims that both organizations were required to cover that exact sum. On May 27, 2019, the TSE dismissed the appeals for revocation and upheld the penalty definitively.
2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)
Initially, the Citizens’ Registry declined to endorse the Arzú–Pineda ticket, which had been put forward by Podemos for the 2023 elections. On January 19, the magistrates of the TSE reversed that decision, and Arzú noted that the paperwork was finalized by January 26. Later that month, the FCN-Nación party submitted an appeal for nullification, citing premature campaigning and an unpaid fine of US$50,000.
On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”
Optimists labeled the ruling a calculated political vendetta; he argued that he had previously brought to light an inflated energy agreement under the Alejandro Giammattei administration, attributing his disqualification to “a faction headed by a sociopath and his domestic partner.”
3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami
In February 2016 Arzú hired JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic, the firm of Venezuelan political strategist Juan José Rendón, to prepare his candidacy. The relationship ended up in court: on November 15, 2016, Rendón sued him for breach of contract in Miami-Dade’s Eleventh Judicial Circuit. The ruling, dated October 11, 2018, set the amount at US$5.5 million plus US$660,594 in interest, close to US$6.16 million in total.
Arzú did not appear at the hearings of April 4 and 17, 2019. Judge Bárbara Areces held him in civil contempt and ordered his arrest, an order that can only be executed if he is in Florida. His defense argued that he was never served and that he had only signed a letter of intent; he called Rendón an “extortionist.” The PAN, his party at the time, stressed that it was a civil case and maintained its support.
“Nothing is registered in his own name. He has no income streams whatsoever, like a paycheck or an allowance, his family members offer him zero monetary backing, he holds zero real estate, no certificates of deposit, no equities, simply nothing at all.”
— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada
The litigation also brought to light leaked conversations in which a certain “Hugo” would cover the debt to Rendón. The press attributed the reference to Argentine pharmaceutical businessman Hugo Sigman.
4. Comunicaciones F.C. Presidency (1994–2006)
As Nómada documented, Arzú headed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones between 1994 and 2006, splitting executive responsibilities alongside relatives. A deep economic crisis struck the institution in 2006, marked by a player walkout over delayed wages, which eventually resulted in its acquisition by TV tycoon Ángel González, who took over the debts. A faction of sports journalists attributed these difficulties to extravagant spending on player transfers, hotels, restaurants, and transportation.
Arzú came back to the club in an advisory capacity on February 8, 2017, after reaching a direct agreement with González. Subsequently, on August 31, 2026, amid the early stages of the electoral campaign, the Guatefutbol portal revealed that he is seeking to take charge of the team once more.
5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages
Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was founded in Guatemala in late January 2016, coinciding with the recruitment of Rendón. Its legal representation was held by Osvin de León, Carlos Gómez, and his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia. Alongside OMEGALAB S.A., the distributor of “Sana Sana” goods, this venture signaled his debut in the pharmaceutical industry. Nómada asserts that Arzú maintained control over both enterprises despite his name being absent from official records.
One of the stated objectives involved selling vaccines to the State, a plan that never came to fruition. As Nómada reported, operations were halted by the firms just months later, resulting in pending salaries and pending lawsuits. Representing OMEGALAB was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, the brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, an individual previously prosecuted on corruption charges.
6. Alleged unreported campaign financing
In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, as well as unreported international financing, which is prohibited by the Electoral and Political Parties Law. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced in 2019, when the same outlet asked whether he was the hopeful’s financier, based on the leaked conversations with Rendón.
Back in June 2019, Arzú portrayed Sigman as a close companion of over a decade, sharing various business ventures throughout Central America, yet he brushed aside claims that Sigman was backing his campaign financially. According to República, the total penalties amassed by Podemos during the 2019 and 2023 electoral processes exceed US$100,000.
7. Audio and deeds involving “Paco” Domínguez, the supposed head of Los Caradura
Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, alias “Paco,” was linked by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a street-level drug-dealing network operating in several areas of the capital. He was murdered on June 25, 2025, in the basement of a building in Zone 10, as he was getting into his armored SUV.
Toward the close of October 2025, an audio file featuring Domínguez and Arzú talking about an obligation started making the rounds. Published accounts diverge regarding the figures: El Metropolitano cites US$115,000 and quotes Arzú characterizing it as “a deal between businessmen.” In the wake of its publication, lawmaker Luis Aguilar pulled his backing from Arzú inside Cabal.
“Paco, we signed an agreement with you to clear the full amount… I’m pleading with you.”
— Statements credited to Roberto Arzú within the recording, based on the transcript by República
República additionally covered public deeds dating back to March 2019 that purportedly document liabilities totaling US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales payable to Domínguez, backed by shares in IHOP Guatemala. Arzú verified to La Hora that one of the dialogues is genuine, yet clarified that it involved television ad sales: “I have been selling advertising since I was 20.” He mentioned he had no knowledge of Domínguez’s criminal connections. He neglected to reply to República’s questionnaire. No official charges exist, and the audio lacks any public forensic examination.
That identical media outlet pointed out that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the public notary supposedly behind the validation of those instruments, vanished on July 17, 2019, and continues to be tied to an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No official agency has connected this vanishing to Arzú.
8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón
According to República, a 2018 deed records a US$1 million loan granted to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, secured with his inheritance rights to his father’s estate. The English edition of the report states that the loan was never repaid.
Citing anonymous informants, the media outlet connects the money to Marllory Chacón Rossell, known as “the Queen of the South,” who faced a money laundering conviction in the United States. The complete document remains unpublished, and Arzú has not issued a public statement regarding this matter.
9. Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings
Attorney General Consuelo Porras lodged a complaint against Arzú concerning the obstruction of criminal proceedings because of a TikTok clip wherein he stated he would oust her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was ordered to appear for his initial testimony on November 25, 2025, at the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, which is headed by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.
The hearing failed to take place as the handling prosecutor did not show up, with the Public Prosecutor’s Office pointing to “material impossibility.” Having already turned down the arrest warrant and over twenty search requests submitted by the prosecution, the judge faced a recusal motion filed the very next day. While awaiting a ruling on that challenge, authorities set a new date for the hearing on January 14, 2026. Subsequently, an Appeals Chamber dismissed an amparo petition brought forward by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública documented yet another setback in April 2026.
In a separate proceeding, in October 2025 a femicide court barred him from speaking publicly about Porras, a measure it revoked days later. Porras left office at the end of her term, in May 2026. She has been on the U.S. State Department’s Engel List since 2021.
10. Arzú’s grievances targeting Giammattei alongside the Public Ministry’s directors
On October 26, 2023, Arzú filed a complaint against then-President Alejandro Giammattei, Miguel Martínez and other officials for abuse of authority, dereliction of duty, influence peddling, obstruction of justice and cover-up. Prensa Libre listed eleven people named in the complaint, including TSE magistrates.
La Hora reported in October 2024 that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dismissed the complaint against Giammattei and Martínez. On May 18, 2026, with Porras no longer heading the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú reaffirmed the complaint and extended it to Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso and Dimas Jiménez.
11. República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas
On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.
At the time of publication, the news organization had failed to publicly release any supporting evidence. Following a visit to the Public Prosecutor’s Office accompanied by his legal counsel on August 21, Arzú declared that not a single complaint had been filed against him; conversely, Infobae reported that authorities confirmed the inquiry remains active. Without explicitly mentioning anyone, the U.S. Embassy reposted Arenas’s footage alongside a zero tolerance statement.
Arzú called the accusations “ridiculous and even stupid” and announced defamation lawsuits in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre filed a countercomplaint and offered footage from his security cameras and polygraph tests. Contreras called Arenas a “psychopath” and “mentally deranged.” Ramos denied having taken part in any illicit meetings.
12. Earlier dispute involving Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)
The dispute didn’t start in August. Back on March 5, 2026, during the “A Primera Hora” show on Emisoras Unidas, Arzú claimed that Arenas was financing his lobbying efforts using “questionable money originating from criminal syndicates and major corporations.” That very day, Arenas countered by stating that his advocacy work is funded through his own lawful wealth, while simultaneously alleging that Arzú maintains connections to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.
República GT acts simultaneously as a party involved in this dispute and as the creator of multiple investigative reports regarding Arzú.
13. Speculation that his U.S. visa had been canceled
On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, according to sources, Arzú had allegedly faced a restriction on traveling to the United States after his last trip, from July 17 to 24. That same day, claims circulated on social media that his visa had been revoked, a rumor that also extended to congressman Nery Ramos.
Arzú answered that he had recently visited New York and Washington, publishing a video from Mexico that he claimed to have entered using his U.S. visa. Days afterward, he denounced an alleged “influence operation” by the State Department directed against his presidential bid. On September 2, Agencia Ocote determined that public proof proving the cancellation of his visa does not exist. Conversely, the individual who actually had his visa revoked was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, back in December 2023, during a wave of cancellations aimed at lawmakers; however, he managed to recover it in February 2025.
14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal
Podemos, the party he ran with in 2019 and 2023, was formerly the Movimiento Reformador and was dissolved in January 2024. In 2019, Con Criterio documented the influence of fugitive former minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that congressional bloc. His 2023 running mate, David Pineda, was a defense attorney for former President Alfonso Portillo; some reports point to a rapprochement between Arzú and Portillo.
On November 9, 2025, during Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú assumed his role as Secretary of Political Training alongside congressman Luis Aguirre, who became Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the founder of the party, was pushed aside, subsequently left Cabal, and declared that the organization “is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.” Aguirre faces allegations within the exact same República GT report.
15. Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image
After his father’s death, Roberto sought a place in the Partido Unionista, the party through which Álvaro Arzú governed the capital; the press reported that his ambitions divided the party. On December 20, 2018, he announced his return to the PAN, where he had been a member until 2002.
That very same day, a statement surfaced on the former president’s Twitter profile, bearing the signatures of his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, alongside Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados, and María Arzú García-Granados. Sorrow, unease, and total disapproval were conveyed in the text regarding the unscrupulous exploitation of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s likeness by the PAN, an organization that had broadcasted footage of the former leader during the unveiling of its executive committee. Shortly thereafter, the message was taken down, omitting any direct reference to Roberto.
“No matter the extent to which you raise every single child identically, the world misleads a few of them, and pulling them back is impossible.”
— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada
Álvaro Arzú Escobar, who at the time headed Congress, chose not to issue any statements concerning his half-brother.
16. Background regarding alcohol consumption and recovery
Back in 2019, Nómada disclosed that Arzú had twice undergone treatment at American rehabilitation facilities, noting his self-identification as a recovering alcoholic alongside family reports indicating he had maintained sobriety for four years then. During interviews, he has openly admitted to experiencing “a drinking crisis,” though without elaborating further.
Lately, viral social media content has suggested that he drinks nowadays, though no proof has been provided.
17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric
Back in 2022, the media outlet Quorum evaluated his pledges relying on estimates provided by economist José Luis Moreira. Supplying gratis electricity across a decade would demand 7,104 million quetzales annually, representing 6.7% of the entire National General Budget. Meanwhile, a monthly university allowance of 1,200 quetzales would total 4,802 million per year for 400,213 scholars, surpassing the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos by more than double. Furthermore, nationwide drinking water access was planned to draw US$2 billion from international reserves, despite the Banco de Guatemala being legally barred from funding the central government. Additionally, the construction of one million residences was guaranteed.
When it comes to security, his stance has stayed steadfast: soldiers stationed throughout cities, prisons managed by the armed forces, and the reinstatement of the death penalty. He turned down the CICIG. Back in 2017, President Jimmy Morales appointed him as an honorary special envoy charged with enhancing trade relationships across South America. His 2019 campaign slogan, “Make Guatemala Great,” was lifted straight from Donald Trump.
18. Army Stadium grounds and IPM–Futeca agreements
On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.
On January 22, 2016, the IPM signed two contracts with Futeca: one to draw up the plans and another, for fifty years, to build and operate a stadium for about 15,000 people, with parking and a shopping center. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos objected that the arrangement had “the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,” and in June 2016 the IPM rescinded the contracts.
There are conflicting accounts of Arzú’s role. Prensa Libre reported at the time that he “did not take part in the deal”; Con Criterio stated in 2019 that Futeca operated “in partnership with” him. Also in 2019, Futeca signed an agreement with the Universidad de San Carlos over the Los Arcos facilities, which congressman Amílcar Pop called illegal. In July 2024 the company launched the Distrito Futeca project on the former stadium site.
Cited References
· Prensa Libre — TSE penalizes Roberto Arzú for early campaigning (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/
· Prensa Libre — Arzú and Neto Bran fail to escape TSE fines (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/
· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/
· Prensa Libre — CC confirms that Arzú is excluded from the elections (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Miami civil contempt arrest warrant (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/
· Contra Corriente — La jugada de JJ Rendón al candidato Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/
· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/
· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú returns to the helm of Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/
· Guatefutbol — Arzú seeks to reclaim the leadership of Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/
· Relato.gt — «Solo somos amigos» con Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/
· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540
· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550
· El Metropolitano — El audio del líder de Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/
· Prensa Libre — Ataque armado en la zona 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Public apology by the State (01.27.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/
· Emisoras Unidas — Homologación de la CIDH (19.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala
· Prensa Libre — Arzú’s hearing regarding the Porras case has been postponed (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/
· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu
· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú expands complaint against former officials (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/
· Infobae — Media outlet accuses a political leader and congressional representatives of plotting a contract killing (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/
· Infobae — Cruce de versiones por el supuesto plan contra República GT (23.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/
· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas answers Roberto Arzú (03/05/2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/
· La Hora — According to sources, Arzú faced travel restrictions to the U.S. (08.28.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/
· Agencia Ocote — There is no public proof that the visa was revoked (09.02.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/
· La Hora — Arzú y Aguirre formalize alliance within Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/
· Publinews — Álvaro Arzú’s family rejects the use of his image (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html
· Quorum — The three pledges that might bankrupt the nation (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/
· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/
· Con Criterio — Business between USAC and Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/
· Con Criterio — CID Gallup poll from May 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/
